David Brooks on Romney
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David Brooks on Romney
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/04/opinion/brooks-in-defense-of-romney.html?_r=1&hp=&pagewanted=print
In Defense of Romney
By DAVID BROOKS
Over the past several months, Mitt Romney has been an excellent
presidential candidate. He has performed superbly in the debates. He has
outorganized his rivals. He has relentlessly stayed on his core theme
of putting Americans back to work. He has taken Rick Perry apart with a
cold ruthlessness that is a wonder to behold.
And throughout this period of excellence, he has done almost nothing to
endear himself to Republican activists. They have spent this season of
excellence searching for anyone else: Palin, Trump, Bachmann, Perry,
Cain and now (Please! Please!) Christie. On Nov. 4, 2010, Romney earned
the support of 23 percent of Republican voters, according to the
RealClearPolitics average of polls. Today, he also has support from 23
percent of Republicans nationwide.
The central problem is that Mitt Romney doesn’t fit the mold of what
many Republicans want in a presidential candidate. They don’t want a
technocratic manager. They want a bold, blunt radical outsider who will
take on the establishment, speak truth to power and offend the liberal
news media.
They don’t want Organization Man. They want Braveheart.
The question is: Are they right to want this? Well, if they want an
in-your-face media campaign that will produce delicious thrills for the
true believers, they are absolutely right. But if they actually want to
elect an effective executive who is right for this moment, they are
probably not right.
There are two important features of the current Republican moment.
First, this is not a party riven by big ideological differences. This is
not Reagan versus Rockefeller. Whoever wins the nomination will be
leading a party with a cohesive ideology and a common set of priorities:
reform taxes, replace Obamacare, cut spending and reform entitlements.
The next president won’t have to come up with a vision, just execute the
things almost all Republicans agree upon.
Second, the challenges ahead are technically difficult. There’s a reason
that no president since Reagan has been able to reform the tax code.
There’s a reason no president save Obama has been able to pass health
care reform. These are complicated issues that require a sophisticated
inside game — navigating through the special interests, building complex
coalitions. They are issues that require executive expertise.
It’s easy to see how Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, if he decides to
run, could rally public support behind these priorities. He has an
amazing ability to talk about policy in concrete, common-sense terms. He
might easily be the Republicans’ best option.
Yet Romney’s skills are not to be underestimated. In the first place, he
doesn’t throw interceptions. As with quarterbacks, the chief job of a
president is not to give the game away with unforced errors. Romney does
not take excessive risks. He doesn’t make decisions without advance
preparation.
He does adapt. It has been stunning to see how much better Romney is as a
candidate this time around than in 2008. This improvement must have
come from a pretty thorough period of self-examination and
self-correction.
He seems to know how to pick staff. His economic advisers include R.
Glenn Hubbard of Columbia, Greg Mankiw of Harvard, former Senator Jim
Talent and Vin Weber, a former congressman. This is the gold standard of
adviser teams.
He could probably work well with the leaders of his own party. If Romney
were to be elected, he would probably share power with the Senate
majority leader, Mitch McConnell, and the House speaker, John Boehner.
These are not exactly Tea Party radicals. Instead, they are consummate
professionals and expert legislators who could plausibly work together.
More presidents have been undone by the Congressional leaders in their
own party than by members of the opposition.
Romney may be able to guard against ideological overreach. Each
successive recent administration has overread its election mandate.
Romney may be inauthentic, but he is rarely overzealous.
He comes from a blue state. Candidates who come from states where their
party is in the minority are much more likely to be elected. In
government, it really helps to have a feel for how people in the other
party think. Neither President Obama nor George W. Bush had this.
Finally, Romney can be dull. Political activists like exciting
candidates. But most people, who have lower expectations from politics
and politicians, just want them to provide basic order. They want
government to be orderly so they can be daring in other spheres of their
lives. Romney is the most predictable of the candidates and would make
for the most soporific of presidents. That’s a good thing. Government
would function better if partisan passions were on a lower flame.
It’s exciting to have charismatic leaders. But often the best leaders in
business, in government and in life are not glittering saviors. They
are professionals you hire to get a job done.
The strongest case for Romney is that he’s nobody’s idea of a savior.
In Defense of Romney
By DAVID BROOKS
Over the past several months, Mitt Romney has been an excellent
presidential candidate. He has performed superbly in the debates. He has
outorganized his rivals. He has relentlessly stayed on his core theme
of putting Americans back to work. He has taken Rick Perry apart with a
cold ruthlessness that is a wonder to behold.
And throughout this period of excellence, he has done almost nothing to
endear himself to Republican activists. They have spent this season of
excellence searching for anyone else: Palin, Trump, Bachmann, Perry,
Cain and now (Please! Please!) Christie. On Nov. 4, 2010, Romney earned
the support of 23 percent of Republican voters, according to the
RealClearPolitics average of polls. Today, he also has support from 23
percent of Republicans nationwide.
The central problem is that Mitt Romney doesn’t fit the mold of what
many Republicans want in a presidential candidate. They don’t want a
technocratic manager. They want a bold, blunt radical outsider who will
take on the establishment, speak truth to power and offend the liberal
news media.
They don’t want Organization Man. They want Braveheart.
The question is: Are they right to want this? Well, if they want an
in-your-face media campaign that will produce delicious thrills for the
true believers, they are absolutely right. But if they actually want to
elect an effective executive who is right for this moment, they are
probably not right.
There are two important features of the current Republican moment.
First, this is not a party riven by big ideological differences. This is
not Reagan versus Rockefeller. Whoever wins the nomination will be
leading a party with a cohesive ideology and a common set of priorities:
reform taxes, replace Obamacare, cut spending and reform entitlements.
The next president won’t have to come up with a vision, just execute the
things almost all Republicans agree upon.
Second, the challenges ahead are technically difficult. There’s a reason
that no president since Reagan has been able to reform the tax code.
There’s a reason no president save Obama has been able to pass health
care reform. These are complicated issues that require a sophisticated
inside game — navigating through the special interests, building complex
coalitions. They are issues that require executive expertise.
It’s easy to see how Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, if he decides to
run, could rally public support behind these priorities. He has an
amazing ability to talk about policy in concrete, common-sense terms. He
might easily be the Republicans’ best option.
Yet Romney’s skills are not to be underestimated. In the first place, he
doesn’t throw interceptions. As with quarterbacks, the chief job of a
president is not to give the game away with unforced errors. Romney does
not take excessive risks. He doesn’t make decisions without advance
preparation.
He does adapt. It has been stunning to see how much better Romney is as a
candidate this time around than in 2008. This improvement must have
come from a pretty thorough period of self-examination and
self-correction.
He seems to know how to pick staff. His economic advisers include R.
Glenn Hubbard of Columbia, Greg Mankiw of Harvard, former Senator Jim
Talent and Vin Weber, a former congressman. This is the gold standard of
adviser teams.
He could probably work well with the leaders of his own party. If Romney
were to be elected, he would probably share power with the Senate
majority leader, Mitch McConnell, and the House speaker, John Boehner.
These are not exactly Tea Party radicals. Instead, they are consummate
professionals and expert legislators who could plausibly work together.
More presidents have been undone by the Congressional leaders in their
own party than by members of the opposition.
Romney may be able to guard against ideological overreach. Each
successive recent administration has overread its election mandate.
Romney may be inauthentic, but he is rarely overzealous.
He comes from a blue state. Candidates who come from states where their
party is in the minority are much more likely to be elected. In
government, it really helps to have a feel for how people in the other
party think. Neither President Obama nor George W. Bush had this.
Finally, Romney can be dull. Political activists like exciting
candidates. But most people, who have lower expectations from politics
and politicians, just want them to provide basic order. They want
government to be orderly so they can be daring in other spheres of their
lives. Romney is the most predictable of the candidates and would make
for the most soporific of presidents. That’s a good thing. Government
would function better if partisan passions were on a lower flame.
It’s exciting to have charismatic leaders. But often the best leaders in
business, in government and in life are not glittering saviors. They
are professionals you hire to get a job done.
The strongest case for Romney is that he’s nobody’s idea of a savior.
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